From Creative Class to Digital NomadsParadoxically, while breaking free from geographical constraints and traveling far from home, digital nomads create a new type of place-based community in foreign lands.
Woldoff, R. A., Woldoff, R., & Litchfield, R. C. (2021). Digital nomads: In search of freedom, community, and meaningful work in the new economy. Oxford University Press.
Sources: https://academic.oup.com/book/39719
https://www.globalcitizensolutions.com/report/global-digital-nomad-report-2025-full-report/
In 2014, after working as a journalist in London for eight years, Ellie, then 33, resigned, left London and the UK, and flew 8,000 miles to Bali, seeking work online, minimizing her personal belongings, traveling as she pleased, and working remotely from any location she desired. Her only requirement was a stable internet connection. People like Ellie are known as "digital nomads." The term "digital nomad" was coined by Makimoto and Manners in 1997 to define a new lifestyle enabled by advancements in communication technology and digital infrastructure. Once considered niche and unconventional, digital nomads have "transitioned from fringe to mainstream in less than a decade." By 2025, the global number of digital nomads exceeded 40 million. In the United States alone, the number of self-identified digital nomads surged from 7.3 million in 2019 to 18.1 million in 2024. According to the Global Digital Nomad Report 2025, 79% of digital nomads earn an annual income exceeding $50,000, making them a lucrative demographic for host countries. Currently, 64 countries offer digital nomad or remote work visas, with governments actively competing to attract them.
Many individuals like Ellie are highly educated, skilled young professionals engaged in creative work in cities like London, New York, and Toronto—part of what Richard Florida terms the "creative class." However, the high costs of creative cities and long work hours that consume leisure time have prevented these young professionals from achieving the personal fulfillment they deem essential to life. Unwilling to sacrifice their autonomy and values, they have resolutely embarked on their own paths, becoming digital nomads. They leave behind familiar cities, jobs, friends, families, and countries to seek face-to-face communities composed of unconventional individuals who share their ideals and goals. They often find such communities in low-cost countries like Indonesia, Thailand, the Philippines, Cambodia, Vietnam, Colombia, Mexico, or Portugal. Paradoxically, while breaking free from geographical constraints and traveling far from home, digital nomads create a new type of place-based community in foreign lands.
Why do these young professionals from creative cities—who enjoy decent incomes, possess good education, and work in the creative industry—choose to leave the first-tier cities they once dreamed of entering, abandon stable companies and familiar life trajectories, and embrace a highly mobile lifestyle on the other side of the world? This is the question that Digital Nomads: In Search of Freedom, Community, and Meaningful Work in the New Economy seeks to answer. Based on three years of ethnographic research in Bali and interviews with 70 digital nomads from 18 countries, the book provides a detailed portrayal of how digital nomads leave creative cities and construct new lifestyles, work identities, and community relationships through global mobility. The book not only presents the unique experiences of digital nomads as an emerging group but also situates them within a broader social context, exploring the transformation of creative labor, the structural pressures of the new economy, and the dilemmas of contemporary urban life.
The book is divided into six chapters. Chapter 1 examines the push factors that drove digital nomads to leave their home countries and adopt a digital nomad lifestyle abroad. It details how the dual failures of creative class cities in terms of livability and work environments prompted digital nomads to escape unfulfilling jobs, unsatisfactory communities, and unsustainable lifestyles, despite potential obstacles ahead. Chapter 2 traces the historical evolution and composition of Bali's expatriate ecosystem, outlining the various expatriate groups on the island. It then analyzes the pull factors attracting digital nomads: the island offers a source of inspiration, modern conveniences, and a low-cost lifestyle. Chapter 3 explores the seemingly paradoxical phenomenon of self-initiated, location-independent digital nomads seeking face-to-face communities. Chapter 4 analyzes the work and social network construction of digital nomads. Their income primarily comes from entrepreneurship, freelancing, and full-time employment, with typical occupations clustered in marketing, e-commerce, coaching, and technology. Chapter 5 presents three case studies depicting the three stages of participation and integration into digital nomad communities: honeymooners, visa runners, and resident nomads. Chapter 6 summarizes the research findings and discusses the implications of digital nomads for community studies and creative class theory. Digital nomads challenge traditional notions of what constitutes "good" work, community, and life in this mobile, digital age.
Who Are Digital Nomads?
Digital nomads are a type of knowledge worker who actively pursue a lifestyle of freedom, leveraging technology to work remotely and migrate across the globe. Once considered a fringe and niche phenomenon, digital nomadism gained significant momentum following the COVID-19 pandemic, as remote work became normalized and more widely accessible.
Digital nomads are individuals with mobile work and lives. As long as they have an internet connection, they can work and live anywhere in the world. They utilize this freedom to become what is known as "location-independent," meaning they sell or store their possessions and dispose of or rent out their properties, enabling them to leave home, travel, and live as they please. While any particular destination might be temporary for a digital nomad, most view this lifestyle as a long-term choice.
Digital nomads are predominantly Millennials (born 1981-1996) or Gen Z (born 1997-2012). In terms of countries of origin, the United States accounts for 43% of all digital nomads, while only two developing countries (Russia and Brazil) are among the global top ten. Professionally, freelancers represent the most traditional image of digital nomads, offering services such as software and web development, marketing, creative design, and communications. Furthermore, the proportion of startup founders is gradually increasing, constituting about 12.25% of digital nomads. In terms of income, digital nomads are a relatively affluent group. By 2025, nearly four-fifths earn an annual income exceeding $50,000, 2% earn over $1 million per year, and the average annual salary for digital nomads is $124,000.
However, the digital nomad lifestyle is not equally accessible to all. A powerful passport is often a digital nomad's most valuable asset, allowing for easier visa-free or visa-on-arrival travel. In 2025, countries like the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, Germany, and the Netherlands account for 68% of the global digital nomad population. In contrast, individuals from countries with weaker passports often work remotely for companies headquartered in wealthier nations, yet their mobility remains geographically constrained.
Escaping Creative Cities
The concepts of "creative cities" and the "creative class" were proposed by urban economist Richard Florida. He argues that cities become more competitive and successful in the global economy when a larger share of their workforce belongs to the creative class—traditional knowledge workers and the "super-creative core" in fields such as art, design, media, science, engineering, education, programming, and research. Consequently, creative cities should intentionally build and concentrate amenities that cater to creative professionals to foster urban economic development.
Critics argue that the creative city strategy is essentially a neoliberal formula that prioritizes business interests over the needs of ordinary urban families, such as living wages, quality public schools, and affordable housing. The approach of attracting creative-class employers and employees to boost a city's economic and cultural stature fails to address the deep-seated contradictions that cause and perpetuate inequality and may even exacerbate these regional issues. In response, Florida later acknowledged the multifaceted failures of creative-class cities: rising inequality, gentrification, and the soaring housing costs and displacement faced by poor and non-white populations.
Digital nomad stories often begin with an escape from creative cities. This seemingly successful and promising group of creative workers chooses to leave because "creative-class cities" have failed them in both life and work. They once held romantic notions of creative cities—hubs of opportunity, culture, networks, and innovation. However, the high cost of living in creative centers like New York, London, Vancouver, and Melbourne created a cyclical trap: "live there, work there, work to continue living there." Despite decent incomes, under the pressure of rent, commuting, dining, and maintaining the consumer culture of big cities, they struggled to find genuine living space. Simultaneously, the city's pace was too intense; the busyness, materialism, internal competition ("involution" culture), and social pressure were exhausting, leaving most with little time to enjoy the cultural amenities and conveniences the city promised.
Creative work itself also proved deeply disappointing for many. Knowledge workers who initially believed they could "make a living with creativity" found their work highly routinized and standardized, with little time for true innovation. Meetings, communication, and repetitive tasks dominated their lives. Organizational culture was often rigid and inefficient, with offices emphasizing presence over results. Long hours of unproductive labor led to a profound sense of lacking meaning and autonomy. Many expressed that their strongest feeling in the office was not creation but suppression—a sense of being stripped of dignity and professional judgment. In such an environment, their vision for the future gradually suffocated. Staying meant only greater unhappiness, while those around them often displayed "passive acquiescence," urging them to endure, conform, and settle.
It was in this psychological state that they began to believe that without proactively stepping off their original path, they would never live the life they desired. Embracing the belief that "You can't change the minds of those around you, but you can change your environment," digital nomads abandoned efforts to change attitudes back home and instead sought out new communities that resonated with them. Thus, many digital nomads left with incomplete plans and limited funds but a strong desire for freedom. They didn't necessarily know which country to live in next or what work to do, but they were certain they had to leave. Possessing the capability (economic, skill-based, and educational support) and the willingness (a breakthrough in values) to be mobile, this highly fluid group emerged. The exodus of digital nomads was by no means an escape from work. On the contrary, they aspired to transform work from a dehumanizing experience into an endeavor that could build and sustain a sense of freedom and purpose.
Why Bali?
Bali's status as one of the world's most concentrated hubs for digital nomads is neither accidental nor solely due to its natural beauty. The book summarizes three key elements: the "magic" of nature and culture, the practicality of the expatriate infrastructure, and the unique community atmosphere.
In the narratives of digital nomads, Bali possesses a certain "magic." The tropical climate, beaches, rice paddies, gardens, and sunsets offer a sensory experience completely different from concrete jungles, allowing for a rapid detachment from urban tension. Outdoor activities, surfing, and running introduce a new, healthier rhythm. Furthermore, Bali's artistic, ritualistic, and spiritual culture helps many rediscover their creative sensibilities. Artistic and spiritual pursuits suppressed in the city are rekindled here—they experience the process of "becoming a better self" through yoga, meditation, courses, and rituals, viewing this self-development as a form of rebellion against and correction of their traditional paths.
However, even more important than nature and culture is Bali's mature expatriate ecosystem, which makes remote work practically viable. High-quality internet, coworking spaces, affordable yet comfortable living conditions, a wide range of English-language services, and a convenient system of motorbikes and dining allow newcomers to almost immediately settle into the rhythm of remote work. For those looking to change their lifestyle, Bali offers both exoticism and high practicality.
Additionally, Bali has already gathered a large number of like-minded remote workers. Their presence provides new digital nomads with life guidance, resource sharing, and emotional support. Some expatriate entrepreneurs even offer so-called "soft-landing services"—helping newcomers with SIM cards, motorbike rentals, accommodation, finding community activities, and even providing weekly goal management coaching. Supported by low living costs and a highly convenient support system, digital nomads can devote themselves to personal projects, experiment with entrepreneurship, or rediscover their interests with less pressure.
Three digital nomads communities in Bali: Ubud, Canggu, and Sanur
Based on length of residence, digital nomads can be categorized into three types:
The first category is Honeymooner, referring to those who join Bali's local digital nomad community for the first time and stay for less than two months (the duration of an Indonesian tourist visa). Newcomers are immersed in novelty, meeting a large number of friends and actively participating in activities. All digital nomads begin as honeymooners.
The second category is Visa Runner, who extend their stay through "visa runs" (briefly leaving the country to reset their visa duration). Although not all honeymooner nomads become visa runners, this group constitutes a significant portion of the nomadic population.
The third category comprises those who stay in one place for over a year, referred to as Resident Nomads. They have found a long-term base in Bali, achieving stability through entrepreneurship or long-term projects, while viewing Bali as a crucial site for personal transformation. Although freedom remains important, for many, the practical need for "a base they can call home, but not in the traditional sense" becomes a reality.
Why Place Still Matters
In Chapter 3, the authors pose a highly insightful question: Why do people who most emphasize mobility seek a place-based community? To answer this, one must understand the uniqueness of Bali's digital nomad community. In the authors' field observations, this community exhibits a rather distinctive phenomenon—it is both highly fluid and highly intimate.
According to traditional community theory, stable population structures, long-term neighborly relations, and shared geographical space are often considered necessary for sustaining a community. However, the community practices of digital nomads largely change this classic assumption. Despite frequent turnover of members and short stays, they are able to build trust, engage in deep conversations, and form close-knit social networks in an extremely short time. This "rapid yet profound intimacy" is not accidental but stems from a highly selective group composition—only individuals with similar values come here and choose to stay.
Digital nomads in Bali share five core values: freedom, personal development, sharing, positivity, and minimalism. These values not only shape their lifestyle choices but also serve as key mechanisms for screening members and identifying peers. It is this value homogeneity that enables them to quickly establish strong connections and mutual trust without the accumulation of past relationships or long-term obligations. In other words, while they emphasize freedom and not being tied down, their high consistency in values creates a form of stability for the community—not demographic stability, but cultural and value-based stability. Members may constantly flow in and out, but the characteristic of "who comes here" remains relatively constant.
Digital nomads are a highly self-selected group: they have been let down by traditional cities and organizations, yet still hold high expectations for life, growth, and meaning. They are willing to take risks for freedom, invest time in personal development, and share their stories and skills with others to help them establish footing in their new life trajectories. These shared cultural traits enable them to form deep connections quickly, and departures do not break the community because newcomers continuously fill the vacancies.
In pursuit of freedom, more meaningful work, and a higher quality of life, digital nomads explore new paths, ultimately giving rise to a new type of place-based community in Bali. Paradoxically, this community is characterized by both high fluidity and intimacy. Nomads frequently move, and membership constantly changes. This fluidity constitutes the essence of the community—newcomers and returnees continuously inject vitality, while nomads' whimsical exits or permanent departures persistently drain energy. However, fluidity does not lead to social alienation. On the contrary, this community is filled with intimacy. Living in a digital nomad hub means choosing solitude in a distant land while being surrounded by others who are also striving to build sustainable new lives.
In summary, the various factors driving digital nomads away from their original societies are rooted in their negative experiences of living and working in creative-class cities—experiences that, while relatively privileged, were also stressful. Digital nomadism is not an escape from work but a response to the unfulfilled promises of contemporary cities and organizations. The myth of creative cities has shattered—they failed to deliver creative communities, economic rewards, and quality of life as promised. Meanwhile, creative labor within organizations has increasingly lacked a sense of meaning and autonomy. Against this backdrop, digital nomads turn to a place where they can reclaim freedom, meaning, and community, embarking on a radical movement of self-reinvention. They challenge both the traditional logic that one "must work in urban centers" and the notion that "technology in the digital age is sufficient to replace face-to-face communities." Even while working entirely online, they remain acutely aware that genuine support, trust, inspiration, and experimentation need to occur in specific places and through specific relationships.The digital nomad phenomenon shows that work needs to be reorganized, cities need to be reimagined, and place still matters, but its meaning is being rewritten.
CityCharts
By 2025, technology-related roles continue to dominate the professional landscape among digital nomads. Software developers, web developers, and Software as a Service (SaaS) professionals collectively account for over one-third of the digital nomad population, while startup founders make up 12%, marketing professionals 8%, and those in the creative industry 7%. This distribution underscores the pivotal role of technology and digital infrastructure in enabling the digital nomad lifestyle.
Source:
https://www.globalcitizensolutions.com/report/global-digital-nomad-report-2025-full-report/
CityQuotes
1.“Today, as always, men fall into two groups: slaves and freemen. Whoever does not have two-thirds of his day for himself, is a slave, whatever he may be: a statesman, a businessman, an official, or a scholar.”- Friedrich Nietzsche, Human, All Too Human: A Book for Free Spirits
2.”In the first place, we don’t like to be called “refugees.” We ourselves call each other “newcomers” or “immigrants.”...
A refugee used to be a person driven out on account of race or political creed. The new type of refugee is a person who has been driven out because he refused to be a persecutor. The difference is not merely academic. The old refugees had a country to return to when the storm was over. The new ones have no country to return to; they are the first non-religious martyrs in history.
We try to become citizens as quickly as possible, and we are grateful for every document that proclaims us citizens. We try to become assimilated as quickly as possible, and we are grateful for every sign that we are accepted. We don’t want to be pitied; we want to be respected. We don’t want to be a problem; we want to be a solution.
And yet—there is a few among us who have not yet forgotten that we are refugees. They know that they are not at home in this world, that they are strangers and that they will remain strangers. They know that they have lost everything and that they have nothing to lose. They know that they are free—free from all social ties, free from all national allegiances, free from all responsibilities. They are the vanguard of their people—if their people still exist.“ - Hannah Arendt, We Refugees
CityReads ∣Notes On Cities"CityReads", a subscription account on WeChat,
posts our notes on city reads weekly.
Please follow us by searching "CityReads"
